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From March to October
Russia's allies, Britain and France, had long regarded
the Tsars' autocracy as a medieval anachronism, and they welcomed
the Provisional Government as a step toward constitutional rule.
The government, first under Prince Lvov, and then under the Socialist
leader Alexander Kerensky, promised to continue the war against
Germany, and called for elections to a Constituent Assembly, which would
meet the following year and become Russia's legitimate government.
But Russia's new leaders soon found themselves opposed by the
Petrograd Soviet, a "workers' council," which was dominated by
Marxists–primarily Mensheviks, although a few Bolsheviks were allowed
on the Executive Committee, among them Stalin and Lev Kamenev,
both of whom would later serve on Lenin's Politburo.
But Lenin, who had still been traveling in Switzerland
during the outbreak of the war, now found himself trapped there:
a war zone lay between him and Russia. He could only watch helplessly
as the opportunities for revolution–both in Russia and in Europe
as a whole–seemingly slipped away. His subordinates in St. Petersburg (Petrograd)
sat leaderless, and Stalin and Kamenev seemed ready to pursue a
policy of reconciliation with their fellow Marxists–even going so
far as to suggest Bolshevik support for the war effort, or at least
an absence of open opposition to a continued struggle with Germany.
They may have anticipated that a reunited Marxist party could
work within the new political order.
Lenin, writing furiously from Switzerland, objected utterly
to everything taking place in his absence: his letters and telegrams denounced
both the Provisional Government and the Mensheviks, and criticized
Stalin and Kamenev's tentative support for the new political order.
Then came the intervention of fate–or geopolitics. The German
government, which supported all possibilities of domestic unrest
in their enemy nation, had been keeping a careful eye on Lenin
for some time, and now arranged to ship the Bolshevik leader and
a number of other revolutionaries, including Krupskaya, Inessa
Armand, and even the Menshevik leader Martov, across Germany in
a "sealed train" to Denmark, where they took ship for Sweden and
then Finland. On April 16, Lenin arrived in St. Petersburg (Petrograd),
where he was greeted by a large throng of soldiers, sailors, and
workers; thus provided with a large audience, he proceeded to denounce
the Provisional Government as being "deceivers." "Long live the
worldwide socialist revolution!" he cried. The following day he
issued his "April theses," in which he made explicit his intentions–to
push for an overthrow of the Provisional Government and immediate
Marxist revolution.
Had the Provisional Government possessed more strength,
they might have arrested Lenin immediately. As it was, they waited
three months, until the "July Days"– an abortive revolt of soldiers
and sailors in the garrisons around St. Petersburg (Petrograd).
After the government put down the uprising, it turned on the Bolsheviks–though
they denied all involvement in the revolt–and Kerensky ordered
the leading figures of the party arrested.
Lenin went into hiding, but by that time he was already
well into an effective political campaign, which had four major
goals: immediate peace with Germany; the redistribution of land
to the peasantry; the transfer of industrial areas to the control
of workers; and the recognition of the soviets as the supreme political
authority in Russia. This "peace, land, and bread" program attracted
considerable popular support to the Bolshevik cause, and Lenin
fortified his growing strength by allying himself with the brilliant
Leon Trotsky.
In order to counter the rising popularity of their rival,
the Provisional Government began a propaganda campaign to brand
Lenin as a German agent–a charge with more than a little truth
in it. But while the campaign enjoyed a certain effectiveness,
the Provisional Government was having serious difficulties holding
onto power: the war was going badly, and a breach between Kerensky
and a right-wing military commander, General Lavr Kornilov, led
to an army uprising. The government put down the rebellion in
September, but only with great difficulty. Lenin continued to
urge immediate action to topple the tottering, Kerensky-led government,
and by October Trotsky, who had been elected Chairman of the now-Bolshevik-controlled
Petrograd Soviet, supported him. On October 23, Lenin emerged
from hiding to attend a meeting of the Bolshevik Central Committee,
where a vote was held for an immediate uprising.
It was by no means a unanimous decision–Kamenev and Grigory Zinoviev,
both of whom would serve on Lenin's Politburo, opposed drastic
action. But Lenin, with Trotsky (and Stalin) backing him, carried
the day. On the night of November 6-7, 1917, Bolsheviks seized
the train stations and electric plants in St. Petersburg (Petrograd),
a rebellious warship aimed its guns at the Winter Palace (the site
of the Provisional Government), and Kerensky fled from Russia, eventually
taking refuge in the United States. They declared as Russia's new
ruling body a "Council of People's Commissars," led by Lenin.
Suddenly, the government of the world's largest country was constituted
by a small revolutionary clique. |
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