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The Korean War (1950-1953)
Inchon Invasion
Summary
In September of 1950, with the North Koreans believing the US/UN/ROK forces
trapped, MacArthur started to withdraw Marines from Pusan. He had planned a
masterstroke, a daring amphibious assault on the Korean port of Inchon,
halfway up the peninsula. MacArthur planned to use Inchon as a base to attack
Seoul, and from there cut off supplies to the North Korean People's Army
(NKPA), which was then assaulting Pusan. This was a classic "pincer" move,
intended to crush the North Koreans between the Eighth Army at Pusan and
MacArthur's troops landing at Inchon, X Corps.
X Corps was 70,000 men strong, and after a close call with the typhoon Kezin,
the Marines took Wolmi, an island near Inchon, with minimal casualties. By
nightfall on September 15, X Corps controlled Inchon. X Corps made a dramatic
push to Seoul, and by September 27, Walker's Eighth Army from Pusan met up with
X Corps. The North Korean army had been decimated. On September 29, Syngman
Rhee was restored to power in Seoul.
Rather than stopping at the 38th Parallel, MacArthur, with
American support,
sent his forces north of the dividing line. Meanwhile, Zhou
Enlai, the PRC Foreign Minister, promised
that the PRC would defend North Korea and send troops across the Yalu if the US
crossed the 38th Parallel. On July 17, the PRC attacked the Chinese nationalist
held islands of Quemoy and Little Quemoy, which Americans viewed as a staging
area for an invasion of Formosa. MacArthur traveled to Formosa on July 19;
still, US leaders continued to view Zhou's threats, which did not travel through
official channels, as mere posturing.
On August 17, the US announced in the halls of the UN building its goal of
unifying Korea. By late August, the US/UN/ROK forces were advancing further
north in Korea, approaching the Chinese border. The accidental US/UN/ROK
bombing of a Manchurian airfield just north of the Yalu River, which
separates North Korea from Manchuria, further alarmed PRC leaders.
On October 9, MacArthur sent his forces across the 38th Parallel near
Kaesong, wanting to capture Pyongyang, the North Korean capital.
MacArthur even planned another amphibious assault at Wonson, which the JCS
opposed. MacArthur went ahead with the Wonson landing anyway, but it proved to
be unnecessary.
On October 15, Truman flew to Wake Island to meet with MacArthur. At the
Wake Island Meeting, Truman tried to emphasize the importance of handling the
Korean situation carefully and diplomatically. MacArthur, on the other hand,
predicted that neither the USSR nor the PRC would likely come to North Korea's
aid. MacArthur returned to Korea uncowed, and his forces occupied Pyongyang in
a matter of days.
Commentary
MacArthur's invasion of Inchon was particularly bold and difficult. The
invasion was so difficult that the JCS advised against the invasion. For
one thing, Inchon's tides fluctuate wildly, and if the invasion was not timed
perfectly, the area the X Corps planned to traverse by boat would be nothing but
a mudflat. A second difficulty arose because MacArthur decided invade in the
middle of typhoon season. Fortunately, for X corps, while typhoons threatened
the Inchon landing, they didn't actually interfere, and the timing ended up
working out.
After his amazing success at Inchon, MacArthur became even more of a hero to
many Americans. Capturing the imagination of voters and the US press, MacArthur
became virtually immune to criticism, further fueling his egomania and
independent willfulness that would soon complicate the Korean War.
After Inchon, the United States had achieved its main goal of restoring Syngman
Rhee's anti-Communist South Korea. Having defeated the North Korean army and
pushed it out of South Korea, why didn't the US quit while it was ahead? Dean
Acheson and John Foster Dulles were hawkish and pushed for a fully unified
Korean anti-Communist state, and Syngman Rhee was consistently calling for war
against North Korea, all influencing Truman. Furthermore, the growing
prevalence of McCarthyism in the US made many
Americans afraid of appearing "soft on Communism." In October, a Gallup Poll
showed that 64 per cent of Americans wanted to pursue the Communists north of
the 38th Parallel. By not pursuing the war north of the 38TH Parallel, US
leaders felt they could be construed as tacitly acknowledging that Communist
North Korea had a right to exist. Although in hindsight, stopping MacArthur's
advance at the 38TH Parallel probably would have been prudent, political
realties at the time made this a very difficult call to make. Even Eisenhower
agreed that the MacArthur should pursue the North Koreans across the 38th
Parallel. The fact that MacArthur's orders allowed him to send forces
across the 38TH Parallel, without ordering him to attack, hints that perhaps was
trying to shift responsibility for the action onto MacArthur.
American incursion into Northern Korea did worry the Chinese, who suspected that
North Korea might provide a convenient base from which the US could invade
Manchuria. Although it does not seem the US had a plan to invade
Manchuria, the Chinese were making reasonable guesses based on the limited
information they had. Based on the accidental bombing of the Manchurian
airfield and MacArthur's visit to Formosa, they suspected a conspiracy was
afoot. Even the Truman-MacArthur meeting at Wake Island looked bad. Though at
the meeting Truman reminded MacArthur to be careful, the Chinese took it as a
sign that the US was planning a major attack. Furthermore, MacArthur was then
spouting incendiary, unofficial statements about attacking Communism. Of
course, Truman could not fire the popular MacArthur at this point, so the PRC
continued to worry about possible American aggression.
On September 11, 1950, Truman approved NSC-81/1, a National Security Council
memorandum that provided the rationale for an invasion of North Korea. NSC-81/1
assumed that since the USSR and the PRC had not stationed troops in North Korea,
they would not intervene once the US invaded. However, the USSR and the PRC did
not know US leaders were thinking like this, and "volunteer" PRC forces were
already secretly preparing to enter North Korea. NSC-81/1 is sometimes
criticized as subscribing to "flawed logic."
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