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II. Of the Dawn of Freedom

Summary

Du Bois reiterates that the “problem of the color line” is the problem of the 20th century. He says that this essay will be primarily concerned with the period of 1861 to 1872. Du Bois points out that the Civil War was primarily fought over slavery, despite Congress and the President at the time stating otherwise. Indeed, Du Bois identifies the different procedures for handling escaped slaves depending on the state or region where they were recaptured as a central issue during the war. He lists various dates and points throughout the war and describes Edward Pierce, of Boston, who was tasked with studying the conditions of slave refugees. 

Shortly after Pierce started an experiment, to convert slaves to “free workingmen.” Still, more had to be done to find productive work for the growing number of refugee slaves in other locations like Washington, New Orleans, and Vicksburg. The next attempt was to enlist the able bodied into the military and find work for the others. Du Bois mentions several Freedman’s Aid societies (American Missionary Association, National Freedmen’s Relief Association, American Freedmen’s Union, Western Freedmen’s Aid Commission), “in all fifty or more active organizations, which sent clothes, money, school-books, and teachers southward.” Du Bois notes that their work was needed, as the conditions for freedmen were terrible and steadily growing worse.

The creation of a labor force out of the freedmen suffered further difficulties, as many stood idle and for those that worked, pay was not always guaranteed. Du Bois talks about the eventual solution of opening confiscated estates and employing vast amounts of freedmen, determining payroll, and even building schools, all within large communities that he describes as, “strange little governments.” He also discusses Sherman’s raid through Georgia, which ended with tens of thousands of freedmen being granted land to work under “Field-order Number Fifteen.” 

Du Bois then writes about the legislation that leased land to freedmen (under the Treasury Department) which was a relief to the military effort, but within the same year, the army was again given control. Several more attempts failed in Congress to establish a proper department, but in 1865, the “Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen and Abandoned Lands” was formed. The Bureau was given the ability to issue rations and clothing, as well as the lease and sale of 40-acre parcels, to ex-slaves. Du Bois says, “[t]hus did the United States government definitely assume charge of the emancipated Negro as the ward of the nation.” The wellbeing of freedmen became a national concern, as opposed to an element of crisis during the war. 

Once Oliver Howard was assigned as Commissioner of the Freedmen’s Bureau, he discovered that a large amount of corruption had appeared “under the guise of helping the freedmen, and all enshrined in the smoke and blood of the war and the cursing and silence of angry men.” The lack of oversight and opportunity of the war had created many terrible systems for the freedmen. Howard installed commissioners in each of the seceded states that were entirely in charge of the issuing of rations, ensuring that freedmen were able to choose their employers, and to establish schools, the institution of marriage, and record keeping. The Bureau encountered two major problems, the inability to establish confiscated lands in the South for freedmen, and the challenge in actually applying all of the systems established by the Bureau, as it was hard to find qualified individuals. Du Bois states, “thus, after a year’s work, vigorously as it was pushed, the problem looked even more difficult to grasp and solve than at the beginning.”

Du Bois discusses the next period in history, in 1866, where Congress voted to maintain and enlarge the Freedmen’s Bureau, but President Andrew Johnson vetoed it as unconstitutional. A modified form of the bill was passed on July 16, giving the Freedmen’s Bureau its final form. Du Bois goes on to discuss the extremely difficult task that the Freedmen’s Bureau had and the unsettled racism that perpetuated in the South. He argues that while the Bureau, which ultimately became a vast labor bureau, had great accomplishments, it was doomed from the start. 

The Freedmen’s Bureau was unable to deliver on the promise of “40 acres and a mule.” The greatest success of the Freedmen’s Bureau was “in the planting of free school among Negroes, and the idea of free elementary education among all classes of the South.” The greatest failing of the Freedmen’s Bureau was in its judicial system, which was set up so that freedmen would not have to suffer the Southern court system(s). The separate judicial system of the Freedmen’s Bureau created more animosity and conflict between whites and freedmen. Du Bois contends that the Freedmen’s Bureau was as successful as it could be, considering the circumstances and obstacles, yet is blamed for every mistake and evil of the time.

Eventually, the government wanted to stop regarding the freedmen as a ward that they were responsible for and instead empower the freedmen with the right to vote. Du Bois points out, though, that “Negro suffrage ended the civil war by beginning a race feud.” The Freedmen’s Bureau ceased to be and the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution, giving Black men the right to vote, was put in its place. Du Bois argues that even with the right to vote, many Black people in the South were still not free, due to segregation, unfair judicial practices, economic instability, and restricted privileges. 

Analysis

In this chapter, Du Bois emphasizes the importance of looking at the plight of Black people through the lens of history. For more than two hundred years in America, Black people were property, and their worth was based solely upon the value they brought to society. White society struggles to adapt to the new realities of Black freedom, and the fact that white people do not know what to do about “[B]lack refugees” points to the confusion and disorganization of the time. The Freedmen’s Bureau was birthed amid this chaos, but it could not immediately cure the ills of the past two centuries. The Emancipation Proclamation changed the economic, social, and political landscape of the South with one stroke of the pen, but its supporters were unable to carry out Lincoln’s ambitious plans instantaneously. The parameters of the law did not account for the subsequent unrest and upheaval it sparked among white people who continued to hold deeply ingrained racist views about the work of Black people.

The freedom the liberated slaves experienced because of Emancipation contrasted with their continued suffering at the hands of ineffectual governmental programs and policies. The post-Civil War transition from slavery to freedom was a difficult one for many slaves, as their lack of finances and education led them to rely heavily on white people for assistance. The refusal of many former slave owners to give up their land to newly freed Black people is one example of the disdain that many whites in the South had for President Lincoln. Despite Lincoln’s government’s efforts, many Black people ended up with nothing. Politicians used bandage-like fixes to pacify those on both sides of the political spectrum without providing a long-term solution for former slaves.

The enduring psychological consequences of slavery and the after-effects of racism hindered progress for Black people after Emancipation. White people no longer had literal ownership of Black people, but an emotional ownership remained, and the psychological effects of slavery and racism were extremely difficult for Black people to overcome. The tragedy and heartbreak of trying to reunite and re-establish families after slavery took a heavy toll on many people. Unsanitary conditions and insufficient food sources contributed to the deaths and sickness of many former slaves, placing further emotional burdens on their families.

Educational programs that African Americans facilitated and instituted themselves attempted to temper the psychological after-effects of oppression. The fact that whites did not directly participate in the education of Black people did not mean attempts were not made to undermine the process. This structure allowed the Freedmen’s Bureau to provide educational opportunities for Black people with less regard for the expectations of white people, allowing Black students to focus on learning, not on the painful memories of their lives as slaves. These government-sponsored programs helped former slaves attend school in the hopes it would help them become productive members of society in the years ahead.

While the Bureau was successful in its attempt to provide education for Black people, it was unsuccessful in its attempts to advocate for Black people in other areas because the changes were too numerous for one institution to implement. Outdated perspectives and opposing viewpoints still dominated among the white people whose support the Bureau needed to succeed. In the prevailing climate of the day, many whites did not agree with the idea that the Bureau would have such power over Black people’s everyday existence. This disagreement is ironic given that during slavery, white masters had complete control over every aspect of their slaves’ lives. The idea of Emancipation meant that all people would have control over their own lives, but how to make that happen was a difficult question to answer. When Du Bois compares the end of the Bureau to the death of a child, it foreshadows his own son’s death. Both the Bureau and his young son symbolize hope, freedom, and a better life, and both are cut short before they are able to realize their potential.

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