In the United States Census of 1800, 5.3 million Americans
were counted. Nearly 1 million of these were slaves, and factoring
in for children, women, the aged, and the infirm, only 1 million
of this number were able-bodied males. By contrast, Britain boasted
15 million inhabitants, and France 27 million. Of the major American cities,
Boston, New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore combined numbered
only 180,000 strong, and no other town could claim a white population
of more than 10,000.
Washington, still very much in the midst of construction,
would serve as the new capital to the first administration of a
new century. The contestants in the presidential race were the
same as they had been four years earlier: the incumbent John Adams
leading the Federalist bid, with South Carolinian Charles Pinckney
in tow, and Jefferson at the head of the Democratic- Republican
ticket, alongside Aaron Burr, a New Yorker known for his unctuous
political maneuverings.
Though tradition held that the candidates themselves refrain from
public campaigning, the respective parties were quite capable of
conducting a brutal campaign on their own. Jefferson himself secretly
backed the scandal-mongering of a journalist named James Thompson
Callender, whose efforts to defame the character of President Adams
landed him in prison under the terms of the Sedition Act. Jefferson
later denied all affiliation with Callender, but during the campaign
itself he had even more pointed attacks to defend.
The Federalist press jumped on Jeffersons liberal views
of religion at once, styling him as an immoral atheist who supported
the destruction of society and the rise of anarchy. Due to his
affiliations with France, they suggested that he too would effect
the type of bloody reign of terror that had occurred there, eventually
rising up to a position of unmitigated power as Napoleon Bonaparte
had done in the previous year (See the Napoleon
SparkNote).
Suspected by Federalists of corrupt and subversive tactics,
Jefferson wrote a letter to New England clergyman Cotton Mather
Smith insisting on his honesty and integrity. This was not enough
to ward off a damaging attack on his character by Yale President
Timothy Dwight, who delivered a famous sermon railing against Jeffersons immorality.
As President, Jefferson would later attempt to defend his religious
perspective by producing a study of the life and morals of Jesus,
known today as The Jefferson Bible. But by denying
the divinity of Jesus, Jefferson likely lost more supporters than
he won in the effort.
Throughout his campaign and well into his administration,
the atmosphere in the press was markedly anti-Jefferson. In the
months leading up to his election, Federalists circulated false
rumors of Jeffersons death in order to try to undermine his campaign.
Despite such underhanded tactics, Jefferson refused to show a
hint of bitterness, and chose to focus instead on his commitment
to a limited and unobtrusive government. In one letter from the
period, he explained his preference for an overarching media over
an overarching government. This commitment to democracy continued
to stoke his popularity at a grassroots level, which ultimately
proved more important to Jeffersons chances than the support of
the intelligentsia.
As with the election of 1796, the results in 1800 were
extremely close. However, this time the Democratic-Republicans
emerged victorious, polling 73 votes to 65 for the Federalists.
As expected, Adams enjoyed a heavy majority in the north, while
Jefferson fared better in the south. The swing state proved to
be New York, which went to Jefferson largely on the strength of
his affiliation with Burr.
By a legislative oddity, while Jefferson had outpolled
Adams, he was technically tied with Burr, as the Democratic-Republican
electors had failed to distinguish between the two candidates even though
Jefferson was clearly earmarked as the leader. Burr, sensing an
unforeseen opportunity to become chief executive, refused to relinquish
his claim, and the election was thrown to the House of Representatives
for a decision. The Federalists, having lost the election, were
now given ample power to decide between the lesser of two evils.
Even though Alexander Hamilton had retired from the political
scene, he still wielded tremendous influence over the Federalist
party, and though he despised Jefferson, he found Burr to be even
more despicable. Still, there were plenty of other delegates who,
objectionable as Burr was, preferred him to the more radical Jefferson.
Finally, after an extended period of hemming and hawing,
Jefferson was named President on February 17, 1801, on an extraordinary
thirty-sixth ballot. The process might have been even more protracted
but for the impending inauguration, which was a mere fortnight
away. In the absence of a clear policy with regard to an inconclusive
election, some Federalists had even discussed installing newly
appointed Chief Justice John Marshall as President until a clear
winner emerged. This plan was aborted just in time, but not before
Marshall gained a sense of his own powers that would carry into
Jeffersons administration and beyond, radically transforming the
role of the judiciary within the federal government framework.
Thus, two weeks after gaining the title of President-elect,
Jefferson was sworn in as the third President of the United States
on March 4, 1801, in the first inauguration ceremonies to be held
at Washington. Never a particularly effective public speaker,
Jeffersons First Inaugural Address was delivered with characteristic
awkwardness, barely audible to most of the assembled gathering.
But if the manner of the speech was wanting for effect, the matter
certainly was not. Most significant was Jeffersons famous case
for unity in the midst of his unusual succession, encapsulated
in his remark that every difference of opinion is not a difference
of principle. We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists.
By any account, such a statement was inconsistent with
Jeffersons heretofore unabashed hostility toward Federalist policy:
here was the victor attempting to patch over the wounds of the
defeated. As President, Jeffersons policy decisions frequently
measured up more closely to Federalist principles than to Democratic-Republican
principles. Under pressure to function as an assertive, strong leader,
Jefferson had little choice but to embrace the increasing powers
of the federal government in places.
Though perhaps disingenuous at the time, Jeffersons
cryptic remark came to possess a measure of truth to it. Over
time, as the Democratic-Republican party began to assume more and
more Federalist characteristics, distinctions between the two traditions became
harder and harder to make. Jeffersons two terms in office were
followed by two terms under the leadership of James Madison, who
had served as Jeffersons Secretary of State. In turn, Madisons own
Secretary of State, James Monroe, served two terms as President.
Thus, Jeffersons Democratic-Republican dynasty, marked by the
presidencies of three closely aligned Virginians, lasted 24 years.
During the presidency of Monroe, known today as the Era of Good Feelings,
an opposition party could scarcely be found.
At the time of his First Inaugural Address, Jefferson
began to lay out the planks that would mark his transition to from
states-rights advocate to a more decidedly federal thinker. In
an abrupt about-face on the question of nullification, Jefferson
stated the necessity for absolute acquiescence in the decisions
of the majority, the vital principle of republics, from which there
is no appeal but force. Recognizing the Federalist nature of this
remark, he moderated his stance by promising to advocate for a
wise and frugal government, dedicated to peace, commerce and honest
friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none and
committed to economy in the public expense.
These, like many campaign and election promises that have
followed in the two hundred years since, went largely unfulfilled.
Once installed in office, Jeffersons first executive act
was to pardon Callender, the muckraking journalist who had been
imprisoned under the terms of the Sedition Act for impugning the character
of President Adams. Not satisfied with a mere pardon, Callender
applied to Jefferson for an appointment as postmaster of Richmond,
Virginia. When Jefferson refused him, Callender resolved to expose
Jefferson even more fiercely than he had done with Adams.
Callenders first attacks appeared in February of 1802,
and included allegations that Jefferson had attempted to seduce
a married woman in his youth, that he had carried on an affair
with a slave through much of his maturity, and that he had conspired
with Callender in the attacks against Adams. Because Callender
was a raging alcoholic, who died in a drunken debauch a mere eighteen months
later, many have discounted his charges as fabrications. However,
in hindsight, all three of the charges may well have been true.
At the time, Jefferson privately owned up to the first
indiscretion, but denied an involvement in the others. In public,
he kept a characteristically stiff upper lip. Nevertheless, Callenders
accusations cast an undeniable shadow over the Jefferson presidency:
a presidency marked both by its enormous successes and its intractable
trials.
